![]() In the end, the coordinated opposition managed to create more competitive races and even some stunning upsets. Ideally, this election would have settled this debate. ![]() Conversely, if the JCP’s presence cost the CDP the votes it needed to win then it needs to rethink both its alliance but also the electoral viability of its more left-wing policies. If cooperation helped to create more competitive races, then it’s proof that cooperation should be deepened and candidates better prepared. The result shows that LDP dominance experienced under former prime minister Abe Shinzo’s second premiership from 2012-2020 appears to be more permanent than many expected – and if the opposition wants to overcome this reality, it will have to be very careful about which lessons it chooses to learn.įor one, the strategy to coordinate between the CDP, JCP, the Social Democratic Party, and Reiwa Shinsengumi was arguably successful. Young people, known for their stubbornly low turnout, overwhelmingly chose the incumbent Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) over the alternatives. Voter turnout stayed at a cool 55 percent despite the unpopularity of then prime minister Suga Yoshihide and the effect of his COVID-19 policy on people’s livelihoods. ![]() But despite coordinating candidates with the Japanese Communist Party (JCP), the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDP) and JCP both lost 13 seats, a result that defied political forecasts. ![]() It would have also provided confirmation that their strategy was paying off. Though outright victory was never a likely outcome, an increase of a few dozen seats or more would have provided the opposition with momentum going into upper house elections next year. It’s hard to imagine a worse outcome for Japan’s opposition after suffering a major blow in the general election on October 31. ![]()
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